"Kartvelian Heritage" is the electronic copy of the annual scientific publication "Kartvelian Heritage" (ISSN 1512-09-53) of Tariel Putkaradze Kartvelology Scientific-Research Center at the Faculty of Humanities at Akaki Tsereteli State University (Kutaisi, Georgia). The proceedings of the international symposia "Kutaisi Discussions" organised by the Scientific-Research Center of Kartvelology, reviewed research papers in Kartvelology (linguistics, literary studies, folklore, historiography, culture studies, ethnology, etc.) and the texts of Kartvelian dialects obtained by the staff of the Centre are published in this journal. Journal DOI: https://doi.org/10.52340/PUTK ISSN: 1512-0953
Tetritsqali Alpine Settlement (Yaylas): An Authentic Monument of Georgian Identity in Turkey
For Georgians living in Turkey, the markers of self-identification comprise shared historical memory, cultural identity, spiritual connection to certain historical territories, and traditional ethnocultural heritage. These markers are especially well preserved in areas where Georgians live in compact settlements and in communities that have not undergone displacement. While ancestral traditions persist to some degree across all regions, the seasonal cattle-breeders’ summer settlements – yaylas – remain particularly notable for preserving core elements of traditional ethnoculture. Here, a distinctive cultural microcosm has developed, within which collective memory has preserved Georgian ethnocultural values and the defining attributes of Georgian national identity with remarkable completeness. The paper explores the traditional life and activities of the yaylas which, exemplified by the Tetritsqali Alpine Settlement, remain remarkably similar to those in their historical homeland. The Tetritsqali summer pastures serve as seasonal settlements for the inhabitants of the Devskeli Valley villages – Araveti, Devskeli, Bagini, Shuakhevi, and others. The Devskeli Valley begins on the Karchkhali Ridge and merges with the Chorokhi River near Borchkha. Each village in the valley has its own “mountain” (yayla), where herders drive their cattle during the summer months. The care of the livestock and the processing of dairy products are overseen by a meshorde (female herder). Even after living for many years within a foreign political, economic, and sociocultural environment, the indigenous Georgians have retained their ethnic self-identification and the core markers of national identity. Their language, customs, oral traditions, and rituals, as well as key elements of material and spiritual culture, have been preserved to a remarkable degree in this community. These include the entirely archaic type of dwelling – the thatched jargvaluri house with a skylight in the roof, an earthen floor, and a hearth (ojakh); wooden structures used for storing firewood; livestock-related customs; weaving traditions; traditional forms of mutual labor assistance; Georgian gastronomic culture. Other significant elements comprise the customs of ziarati (pilgrimage) and memkhlioba/menkhlioba (kinship ties); legends and rituals associated with Marsklava Lake; and the festival of Shuanoba/Marioba, notable for its distinctive features (horse-shoeing, door-to-door collection of food, ritual washing in the waters of Tetritsqali, perkhuloba (collective festivity), singing, horse racing, improvisational verse contests, samoba dancing, and more). Most importantly, many of these rituals have survived in nearly unchanged, archaic forms, allowing for an authentic reconstruction of ancient Georgian beliefs, concepts, and ritual practices
Onomastic Materials of Shida Kartli in the Ottoman Historical Documents (The Great Defter of Tbilisi Vilayet)
The present article examines onomastic materials from the Shida Kartli region. The research is based on an analysis of toponyms and anthroponyms from the Prone Gorge recorded in the 1728 Detailed Register of Tbilisi Province (the 1728 Great Defter of Tbilisi Vilayet). The document was compiled by Turkish officials sent to eastern Georgia with the objective of determining the exact population numbers for taxation purposes. The Detailed Register describes 53 villages located in Dvani, Ptsa and Ali Prone: Saghvalasheni, Aradeti, Tsveri, Breti, Dirbi, Dvani, Toletubani, Avnevi, Tsunari, Turmaneuli, Bekmari, Nuli, Malda, Tsurbisi, Kornisi, Erkneti. Berdzenauli, Ptsa, Tkotsa, Avlevi, Mdzvivleti, Tamarasheni, Tseronisi, Abisi, Satsikhuri, Chvirnisi, Baliti, Kaliti, Patkineti, Tsireti, Atutsi, Urmishkheli, Gharistavi, Shindara, Surnisi, Tighva, Dzaghina, Khtane, Terugvani, Akhalsheni, Khundisubani, Okona, Knole, Somaneti, Vaka, Sative, Brili, Domatskho; Kindzati, Ali, Utslevi, and Ulumba. The anthroponymic structure of personal names is predominantly bipartite, and typically includes: 1. Name + father's name (Dimitri, son of George); 2. Name + brother (Tamaza, his brother); 3. Name + son (Giorgi, his son). More rarely, a title (e.g., nobleman, prince) appears together with a personal name. Simple names may end in either a vowel or a consonant— for example, Giorgi, Shio, Lazare, Saba, Baram, Simon, Elioz. Consonant-stemmed names frequently occur in their stem form, as in Zaal, Baram, and Simon. Personal names are formed with endearment and diminutive affixes in the nominative case, such as: -ia (Onia, Khosia), -una (Datuna, Babuna), -uka (Mamuka, Beruka), -ita (Osita, Karsita), -ika (Datika, Khakhajika), -ina (Kogina, Berdina), -a (Makhara, Zakara), -ila (Gokila, Kokila), and -ua (Bachua, Adua). Complex anthroponyms are rarely attested, including Sulkhanisi, Khakhajika, Avberda, and Mamisimedi. Names formed with diminutive affixes commonly occur with a possessive case marker and the emphatic vowels -a, and -i, for example: Akakisa, Davitisi. The document separately describes the Jewish settlement in the village of Dzaghina. It lists 170 personal names recorded following the Georgian model, such as Samkala, Ioseb, Iakob, Abrama, Ishaka, Avrama, Moshia, Davit, and Jakhana. The structural elements and formation patterns of village names and anthroponyms correspond to the general model of the Georgian language and reflect tendencies characteristic of both the literary language and its dialects. No naming norms characteristic of other linguistic groups are observed in the toponyms. The onomastic material provides valuable information about Jewish and Turkish anthroponyms, as well as about the demographic situation in Georgian villages within the Tbilisi Vilayet.
article Georgians in Turkey in the book of articles, letters and essays by Prof. Tariel Putkaradze "lots of Things Together"
The article presents the position of Prof. Tariel Putkaradze on problematic issues related to the indigenous population of historical Tao-Klarjeti and the descendants of Muhajir Georgians who fled to Turkey as a result of the Russian-Ottoman wars in the 2nd half of the 19th century, based on the materials collected in his book of articles, letters and essays (“Many Things Together”). Author of the letters: He considers it possible to “save Georgians from inevitable assimilation” in the sphere of Turkish influence by knowing their mother tongue, which implies both the study of the Georgian literary language and the “preservation of the dialects” of the Georgians in Turkey; this was precisely the goal of the dialectological expeditions carried out in the historical Tao-Klarjeti region under the leadership of Prof. Tariel Putkaradze. Holds both the Georgian and Turkish states equally responsible for preserving the identity of the ethnic Georgian population of Turkey; In this regard, the Turkish government's law on permitting the study of the Georgian language was important, as well as the concern for the restoration of the Georgian monuments of Tao-Klarjeti, which was determined by both "activated tourist interests" and the interest of Georgians and scientific circles in these monuments in Turkey; He sees the basis for the survival of the linguistic-ethnic identity of autochthonous minorities in the availability of proper education and objective research results, and that Turkish and Georgian colleagues should "jointly create a shared vessel" for the survival of Georgian culture and identity; Focusing on what we, Christian and Muslim Georgians, have in common: blood, historical memory, land, traditions, mother tongue, and literary culture. The issue of Turkish Georgians is discussed in direct connection with the relationship between Georgia and Turkey, which should be based on the geopolitical interests of sides, good neighborliness, and the reality established by academic research. The Georgians in Turkey, featured in Prof. Tariel Putkaradze's book of articles, letters, and essays, "Many Things Together," are well-oriented citizens; they constitute a reliable force that should give impetus to the development of healthy relations between Georgia and Turkey.
Bolshevik Terror and Religious Organizations in Georgia in the 1920s–1930s
During the 1920s and 1930s, Georgia was part of the modernized Soviet empire—initially within the Transcaucasian Federative Soviet Republic and, from 1936 onward, as a nominally ‘independent’ Soviet republic. By this time, totalitarian rule had been fully consolidated throughout the Soviet Union. The Bolshevik regime launched extensive and brutal repression against perceived opponents, with religious communities—Christian and non-Christian alike—subjected to particularly severe persecution. The Soviet authorities considered religiosity to be an obstacle to the construction of socialism and thus pursued systematic campaigns to undermine and eradicate it. In Georgia, the Orthodox Church was declared an organization lacking legal authority by a decree of April 15, 1921, followed by large-scale confiscation of church property and persecution of clergy. Similar repressive measures were directed against the Armenian Apostolic Church, the Muslim community, the Catholic Church, and later, Protestant denominations and various sectarian groups. Hundreds of Armenian churches were closed between 1921 and 1939, and numerous priests were imprisoned. In 1925, the Soviet authorities organized a reformist movement within the Armenian Church called the Brotherhood of the Free Armenian Church, which displayed loyalty toward the Soviet regime and fought against the old, experienced clergy. Following the anti-Soviet statements of Pope Pius XI, the authorities ceased to place any trust in Catholic clergy and lay believers alike. There were instances in which active members of the Komsomol insulted Catholic priests, demolished stone crosses, and desecrated sacred objects housed within Catholic churches. The Bolshevik authorities subjected prominent Georgian Catholic clergy to particularly severe persecution. In 1923, Konstantine Saparashvili, priest of the Catholic Church in Gori, was expelled from the city, and the church itself was closed. He subsequently moved to Ude and later served as priest of the Rabati Church in Akhaltsikhe. In 1927, however, he was arrested once again and exiled to the notorious Solovki labor camp. Although released from imprisonment in 1926, he was prohibited from performing priestly duties and remained under police surveillance until his death. On 4 January 1924, a decree was issued entitled ‘On the Abolition of Religious Instruction in Adjara’s Schools.’ The government banned Muslim religious festivals such as Shakhsei-Vakhsei and Ramadan. In Adjara, campaigns were launched to unveil Muslim women and to promote among the population the idea that wearing the veil was unacceptable. Based on recommendations from the Anti-Religious Commission, the administrative closure of Muslim mosques commenced in various regions of Georgia and in Tbilisi, along with the arrest of mullahs who refused to comply with government directives. The wrath of “militant atheism” soon extended to the Jewish community: The administrative closure of synagogues began, depriving Jews—already exiled from their historical homeland—of their only remaining source of cultural and religious identity. The authorities launched terror against those Jewish rabbis who refused to comply with official directives. In 1922, the synagogue in the village of Sujuni, belonging to the Abasha community, was closed, and Rabbi Mikhail Elashvili was executed. Rabbi David Ajiashvili of the village of Bandza likewise faced execution, while others—Moshe Janashvili, Shalom Roketelashvili, and David Janashvili—were arrested and tried. On 18 August 1924, in Kutaisi, on Gelati Street, the authorities ‘discovered’ an illegal Jewish school and sent an urgent notice to the head of the Kutaisi militia department: ‘Arrest immediately and send to the Kutaisi Political Bureau Rabbi Mikhail Davitashvili, Raphael Rizhinashvili, Daniel Kakitelashvili, and Itzhak Eligulashvili.’ The government imposed the strictest control over functioning synagogues and the activities of rabbis. The Jews appealed to Lev Trotsky for help, yet instead of support, they faced renewed terror and persecution.
Turkish Sports Vocabulary in Modern Georgian Language
The Georgian language, as a bearer of a rich system of cultural and historical contacts, has borrowed and adapted lexical units from various languages ​​for centuries. One of the prominent areas in which the process of linguistic borrowing is distinctly attested is the sports-related lexicon. Of particular interest is the study of the sports terms of Turkic origin that entered Georgian language in past centuries and became integrated into the Georgian cultural and linguistic system. The present article aims to analyze the historical mechanisms by which these words became integrated into the lexical system of the Georgian language. The study of Turkish sports vocabulary makes it possible to assess its influence on the Georgian language both historically and in modern usage. The spread of this vocabulary simultaneously reflects regional connections and linguistic dynamics, making the topic a relevant subject of linguistic inquiry. Particular attention is given to terms such as game, exercise, tulukhchi (water carrier), field, and chokha (outer tunic, traditional Caucasian coat), and others, which have long been in active use in the speech of athletes, coaches, fans, sports journalists, and commentators. The importance of this study stems from the fact that sport represents one of the most dynamic domains of linguistic innovation. Methodologically, the study relies on comparative analysis and draws upon historical sources and lexicographic materials As a result of the study, it was revealed that most of these terms have already been lexicalized in Georgian, often in a phonetically adapted form. Grammatically, they conform to the rules of the Georgian language and take the appropriate case markers. Overall, these findings clearly demonstrate both the flexibility of adaptation mechanisms in Georgian and its marked receptivity to lexical borrowings originating from culturally and socially adjacent communities.
In his works ‘Iliad’ and ‘Odyssey’, Homer offers insights into his attitudes toward women, reflecting the societal views of the period to which he belonged (8th century BCE). This also extends to the heroic age of great wars and powerful kingdoms, which Homer seeks to reconstruct, and which classical philology designates as the Mycenaean age and the era of the Trojan War (16th-13th centuries BCE). By setting earlier and later conceptions of women’s status in deliberate contrast, the poet is able to articulate a set of nuanced and broadly resonant reflections on this topic. This study proceeds by examining selected textual details and thematic developments in order to assess how The Iliad and The Odyssey represent attitudes toward women in the context of the Trojan War, as well as how they construct emotional expression and the motif of love. To clarify this issue, we will examine a series of couples who serve as the basis for understanding the dynamics between men and women during the Trojan War. These couples are: Hector and Andromache, Odysseus and Penelope, Alcinous and Arete, Alexander and Helen, Menelaus and Helen, and Agamemnon and Clytemnestra. All of these couples are linked through marital bonds. This is hardly surprising, as the fundamental social unit depicted in the epics—both among the Achaeans and the Trojans—is the family, whose principal and fully recognized members are the husband, the wife, and the children. Homer presents an idealized vision of marriage. In his epics, women preserve their traditional roles: they love their husbands, attend to their customary tasks and obligations, and care for their children and spouses. Yet Homer's perspective on women is strikingly innovative, for he elevates the marital bond to a level of romantic attachment that would scarcely be matched in later literature—and was absent in real social practice at least until the Classical period (5th-4th centuries BCE). Homer is interested not in the isolated figure—whether an outstanding heroe or a woman—but in the relationship between them: an equal partnership in which both share the same pains and anxieties toward their enemies and the same goodwill toward their friends. Homer’s unmistakably positive stance is directed toward a society in which the rights of women and men are balanced, both within the household and in society. Particular attention should also be given to the affectionate tone with which Priam, the mighty king of Troy, speaks of the Colchian Amazon maidens with whom he won many battles, and whose queens—despite leading distinctly masculine lives—were often objects of romantic admiration.
article The Veterinary Convention on Health and Anımal Dıseases and the Turkısh-Georgıan Border in the Documents of the Turkısh Dıplomatıc Archıve
After the 1917 Bolshevik revolution, the Georgian Mensheviks took control of the administration in Georgia and declared independence. However, this was short-lived: following the Sovietization of Armenia and Azerbaijan by the Bolsheviks, Red Army troops entered Tbilisi, and the Georgian Soviet government was established in 1921. During the subsequent Soviet period, Turkish-Georgian relations evolved, largely influenced by the broader dynamics of Turkish-Soviet interactions. Although there were no insurmountable problems until the beginning of World War II, Turkish-Soviet relations grew tense as the war progressed, and this tension continued to escalate even after the war. Turkey maintained a keen interest in Georgia along the Soviet border, monitoring developments closely and informing the Turkish Foreign Ministry and other relevant state institutions. The archival documents related to Georgia mainly cover military, political, demographic, territorial, migratory, and commercial relations. Following the cession of Batumi to Georgia under the Treaty of Moscow, population movements intensified, leading to problems related to borders and land ownership. One of these problems was related to animal health, which required regulations on the movement of livestock to pastures and meadows. To avoid any risks during border crossings, Turkey closely monitored developments concerning the sanitary situation and epidemics in neighboring Georgia. According to a 1923 report, although investigations revealed no presence of diseases such as cholera or typhus in Georgian ports, the need arose to take measures against contagious animal diseases along the Turkish–Georgian border between Turkey and the USSR, and the possibility of concluding an agreement was brought to the agenda in this context. A 17-article Veterinary Agreement (Contract) was signed between Turkey and Georgia on August 6, 1928, in Ankara, along with three protocols and annexes that were approved on the same day. The agreement was concluded within the framework of the Treaty of Kars, signed on 13 October 1921, and the Pastures Agreement, signed in Ankara on 6 August 1928. Accordingly, the inhabitants of Turkey were permitted to use designated pastures within the borders of the Adjara, Ozurgeti, Ahıska, and Akhalkalaki administrations, whereas the inhabitants of the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic were allowed to use areas within the borders of the Artvin and Kars provinces, extending up to 15 kilometers away from the Turkish–Georgian border. The contract specified the procedures for controlling large and small livestock, as well as the rules and sanctions that animal owners using the pastures and the authorities on both sides of the border were required to follow. In this study, the Veterinary Agreement is examined as a regulation concerning health, livestock diseases, and the Turkish–Georgian border during the Soviet period, drawing on documents from the Turkish Diplomatic Archive.
Two Neighboring Countries and Their Shared Eternal Values (Tamar Parchukıdze’s Poem Double Prayer)
Turkey and Georgia are neighboring countries with a long history and ongoing interaction. This interaction has not been limited to political and commercial relations; it has also left deep traces in cultural fields such as art, literature, music, and religion. Especially from the late 19th century onward, Georgia—positioned as a border region between the Ottoman and Russian Empires—served as an important cultural bridge and frontier zone for Turkey. This article analyzes the cultural, historical, and religious interactions between Turkey and Georgia within a literary framework, focusing on the Georgian poet Tamar Parchukidze’s poem “ორგვარი ლოცვა” (Double Prayer). While the poem portrays peaceful coexistence through shared prayer rituals in a world where Christianity and Islam meet, it also emphasizes the intertwining of collective historical memory, shared spaces, and religious symbols. The use of important places such as Narikala, Tbilisi, Mecca, and Jerusalem as symbols with poetic meaning demonstrates how geography and intercultural dialogue are transformed into a lyrical narrative. In the poem, the religious symbolism of Christianity and Islam—and the relationship between the two faiths—take on a distinct poetic form. By juxtaposing Christian and Muslim rituals, and blending the imagery of a mosque, a church, and the sounds of prayer and adhan, the poem becomes a cultural mosaic. Tamar Parchukidze’s poem Double Prayer goes beyond a mere individual prayer or religious text, becoming a poetic reflection of the cultural ties that have existed for centuries between Turkey and Georgia. The poem demonstrates that different faith systems, such as Christianity and Islam, can peacefully coexist. Tamar Parchukidze’s poetry clearly exemplifies the power of literature to transcend political boundaries and create emotional bridges between people.
MATERIALS FOR THE STRUCTURE OF MANUSCRIPT K-79
A liturgical source (“Lenten Triodion”) of an interesting structure, identified as K-79, has been preserved at the Kutaisi Historical Museum. According to the colophon, the text is of Giorgi Mtatsmindeli’s redaction. The manuscript has not yet been studied and published. The description of the manuscript, published in 1953, is incomplete and inaccurate. In the proposed article, we present materials that demonstrate an interesting picture in terms of the structure as well as the editorial affiliation of the text of “Lenten Triodion” in K-79. Comparison of the text with parts of the manuscript Par-5 (the first part of which is an important source of the “Lenten Triodion” by Giorgi Mtatsmindeli) helped us determine the structure of the manuscript, the editorial affiliation of the text, and the authors of individual hymns. The discussed material is valuable for a complete description of the manuscript, which, for its part, will enable us to identify sources of the text and its structure. At this phase of research, it is safe to specify that the manuscript K-79 contains several redactions of the text of “Lenten Triodion” and in view of the liturgical practice, a number of changes have been introduced into the hymn translated by Giorgi Mtatsmindeli.
ON CONJUGATION OF VERBAL FORMS WITH AUXILIARIES IN THE SPEECH OF GEORGIANS OF TAO
The Conjugation of verbal forms with auxiliaries was not a characteristic of the archaic literary Georgian. The relevant examples have begun to occur in Georgian literary monuments since the 10th-11th centuries. The descriptive patterns are widely spread in dialects, compared to the literary language.The proposed article offers an analysis of the material recorded by us in the villages of Tao (Turkey) in the course of the dialectological expedition of 2011-2022. For comparison, we have also employed the published texts of the Taoian dialect (Sh. Putkaradze, 1993; M. Paghava, 2020). In Taoian dialect, there are the occurences of descriptive forms of transitive verbs in Present Indicative (vtḥri-vart - vtḥrit, we dig, vrċqi-vart , we water, svam-ḥar, you drink), which indicate the tendency toward uniformity; they seem to be formed in the nalogy of intransitive verbs (vt’iri-var (I cry), ic’ini-ḥar (you laugh) and so on). In Taoian dialect, the number of patterns of verbal forms with auxiliaries is relatively small, compared to the forms with organic formation. It should be considered that the contact between Georgian and Turkish, to some extent, contributed to the dissemination of patterns of verbal forms with auxiliaries in present in Taoian dialect (any types of verbs in present time in Turkish are verbal forms with auxiliaries). However, considering the dynamics of the emergence and development of verbal forms with auxiliaries in the Georgian literary language and the dialects, the current situation in Taoian seems to be the result of the functioning of inner rules of development within the dialect. The same situation is found in the Kartvelian dialects – Megrelian and Lower Svan. It can be claimed that the rule of forming verbal forms with auxiliaries in Taoan is similar to that of the Georgian literary language and the dialects, and it reflects the common Kartvelian way of verb formation.
FOR THE HISTORY OF ONE STORY BY MIKHEIL JAVAKHISHVILI
A distinguished Georgian writer and a master of prose, Mikheil Javakhishvili (1880-1937), following “Jako’s Lodgers”, created another story, “A Cup”, which was somewhat forgotten by literary experts, being first published in “Mnatobi” magazine (#2-3) in 1928. Later it was included in the collection of the writer’s works. The main character of the story is Nodar Shubidze, a chemistry scholar and inventor, who left Georgia immediately after the arrival of the Bolsheviks, departing for Paris together with other emigrant Georgians. After eight years of thinking, evaluating, and analyzing political events, despite the fact that the newly-formed Soviet Union is threatened by the war on the part of Europe, he is determined to return there, to his homeland, but with something new, with a gift - a porcelain cup created as a result of the experience obtained in a tablecloth factory, selfless work, and experiments, which will create new opportunities for the chemical industry of the newly-established Soviet Georgia. “A Cup” distinctly demonstrated the clash of ideas that encompassed the nation in the process of introducing novelty. Here, the artistry is perfectly combined with the main goal of the writer to show this process, however, the end of the story still poses a question to the main character and the reader. The purpose of the article is to show these sides of M. Javakhishvili’s story and the political process that manifests the Georgian reality of the 1920s in a way that to some extent is implicit.
BANKING IN 19TH-CENTURY GEORGIA(BANKING INSTITUTIONSIN KUTAISI GOVERNORATE)
The article describes the period of Georgian history (the second half of the 19th century), when the long-suffering Georgian society, caught in the clutches of Russian imperialism was looking for ways of self-preservation and a solution. The nobility considered the Land Bank to be the only pillar for maintaining rank and property advantage. The financial affairs of the bank in Tbilisi and Kutaisi were accompanied by contradictions, difficulties, and ideological and class disagreements among likeminded people; this largely hindered the completion of beneficial financial affairs for the country. The article clearly shows that the bank should not have been an organization of the privileged and a source of their enrichment, a defender of class interests, or a place of confrontation, but rather a profit-oriented general public institution based on democratic principles. The article, on the one hand, presents various spheres of political and socioeconomic life in Georgia and the connection with the banking sector and, on the other hand, the charity provided by the bank from specifically established funds to various educational institutions, students of higher education institutions, schools, theater, the Society for the Spreading of Literacy Among Georgians, and private individuals. The article informs the readers that the Land Bank of Tbilisi and Kutaisi honorably fulfilled its mission and left its imprint on the material well-being of the Georgian nation
HEART-RELATED EXPRESSIONS IN ARABIC AND GEORGIAN
In general, metaphors allow us to grasp the invisible world. Metaphoricality, in its turn, clearly manifests itself in somatic phraseology. Metaphors basically employ body parts, and organs, such as a heart, an eye, a hand, bile, and so on. Phraseological expressions are primarily studied in regard to these concepts since they are the phraseologizing words and the semantic dominants. We have studied one of the most common word-concepts - “heart” - in Arabic, further comparing it with the Georgian data. Among positive emotions, love, joy, satisfaction, approval, kindness, sympathy, consolation, etc. are associated with a heart. As for negative emotions, heart-related ones include grief, fear, sadness, frustration, rage, revenge, and hatred. The following intellectual processes are also associated with a heart: thinking, intuition, convictions, inspiration, memorization, diligence, and even physiological phenomena, such as hunger, growth as well as moral issues. The content of the somatic idioms is similar in many languages. These idioms found in Georgian and Arabic represent patterns formed in certain ways; however, they once again demonstrate that there are universal human feelings described by every distinct culture from their own perspective and these feelings are often compatible with those attested in completely different and unique cultures. The analysis of idioms reveals that universal phraseologisms are often used in order to express grief or joy. Their existence can be explained by the causality of thought; in different languages, they may develop independently or occur as calques. We can infer that in both languages deep human feelings and experiences are primarily heart-related.
GEORGIAN MATERIAL IN THE CONTEXT OF TURKISH PHONOTACTICS
According to the phonotactic strategy of the Turkish languages, in the last syllablAccording to the phonotactic strategy of the Turkish languages, in the last syllable of a word, the wide labial vowel /o/ is replaced by the narrow labial vowel /u/. The Georgian name of the ridge Tortomi, located in the territory of Turkey today, was pronounced as Tortum by the Turks. Similarly, the Ĉoroḥi river was named Çoruh in Turkish. The town now known as Batumi, which is still Batomi in the Gurian dialect, was likely established with Turkish influence, leading to its Turkish-style name – Batumi. Pronouncing two or more consonants at the beginning of a syllable poses an insurmountable articulatory challenge for Turkish speakers. The words of Turkish origin do not typically contain the syllable CCV(C). Borrowed words with two or more consonants at the beginning of the syllable undergo phonological processing when they are “turkified,” involving a process called prothesis (where a vowel is added before two consonants at the beginning of a syllable) and epenthesis (where two consonants are split at the beginning of a syllable and a vowel is placed in the middle). This process helps overcome the clustering of consonants at the beginning of the syllable. Georgian toponymic data is utilized to demonstrate the functioning of prothesis. Speri is a region in historical southwestern Georgia, now known as İspir, a municipality in Turkey. Sṭepanċminda appears in a prothetic form in a fiscal document drafted in 1595, as recorded in ‘The Great Book of the Gurjistan Vilayet’: استڥانزمنده /istefānzmnda/. The Georgian toponym sķarebi has been rendered as اسكارب /isкarb/ by the Ottoman Turk defterdar. The same document indicates the national toponyms that feature an epenthetic vowel: blorĵa – /bulurĵa/, dgvari – /dugar/, zresķi – /zirsķ/, tmogvi – /tumk/, pruṭi – / purud/, ğjrṭila – /γirdla/, ċre – /ċire/, ċrioḥi – /ċirioḥ/, ċqorĵa – /ċuqurĵa/, ċqruti – / ċuqurt/, etc. In specific cases of prothesis, a vowel is added in front of foreign words starting with /r/ (note that words of Turkish origin do not start with /r/): Turk. Rum – Urum, Rus – Urus, Ital. roba – Turk. urba, Arab. rub’ ربع – Turk. urup, Pers. ruspi – Turk. orospu, etc. When Rustaveli’s ‘The Man in the Panther Skin’ was translated into Turkish, the names of the characters – Rostevan and Pridon – underwent adaptation to the phonotactic features of Turkish: Erestevan (i.e., a vowel appeared before /r/), and Feridun - where the /e/ vowel was integrated into the consonants of the Georgian /pri-/ syllable. The manifestation of the prothetic phenomenon is evident in the name of our capital in Turkish: not Tbilisi, but Tiflis. The Turk faced difficulty in pronouning the / tb/ consonants of the /tbi-/ syllable, so he split it by inserting the vowel /i/ to overcome this challenge and pronounce it as Tiflis. The influence of Turkish on Georgians living in Turkey is so strong that the pronunciation /Tiblizi/ has been observed in their speech as well.
Phonotactic rules of the Turkish language
THE NATIONAL POLICY OF THE KREMLIN IN THE CAUCASUS IN 1921-1944 (ACCORDING TO KONSTANTIN KANDELAKI’S REPORT)
In 1921, Soviet Russia invaded Georgia. The absolute majority of the members of the Democratic Republic of Georgia’s Government and the Constituent Assembly (Parliament) left the country and emigrated. Among them was Mr. Konstantine (Kotsia) Kandelaki, a member of the Constituent Assembly, the Minister of Finance and Trade-Industry. In exile, Konstantine Kandelaki published several remarkable works on economic issues. His unpublished work titled ’Kremlin’s National Policy in the Caucasus,’ preserved in the National Archives of Georgia, was presented in the form of a report in one of the institutions in Europe. In this work, the author delves into all the corrupt aspects of Soviet Russia’s national policy in the Caucasus, which placed the nations of the Caucasus in a disastrous situation. The Russification process was executed through unprecedented methods. In November and December 1943 and February 1944, nearly one million people were killed in the Karachay and the Balkarian Autonomous Oblasts, as well as the Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Simultaneously, the ethnic Russian population was rapidly relocated to these territories. This strategy mirrored the historical precedent set by Tsarist Russia, which, in 1864, deported the Cherkess from the Caucasus and replaced them with Russian settlers. The political leadership of the Soviet Union was guided by this historical context in their actions. Clearly, the Caucasus held significant strategic importance for Soviet authorities in advancing their interests in Asia. According to K. Kandelaki, Kremlin politics is coercive. The peoples of the Caucasus deserve freedom, and once they are free, they will find common ground for unrestricted collaboration with peace-valuing countries.
The national policy of Russia in the Caucasus
accomplishments of Konstantine Kandelaki
COMMEMORATING DAYS OF THE DECEASED IN GALI (BASED ON ETHNOGRAPHIC MATERIALS OBTAINED IN GALI REGION)
Funeral and mourning customs are too conservative and encompass essential peculiarities, making them significant for the study of traditional viewpoints. In general, the cult of the deceased is a vast topic. Due to its broad scope, we will focus on specific details or material facts of historical-cultural memory that serve as evidence for the preservation of older traditions. In terms of Geography, the research theme covers the present-day Gali region, historically known as Samurzakano. Recent political-economic and relevant sociocultural circumstances have sparked interest in the ethnographic objects of this region. Today, the Gali population is dispersed across various Georgian regions, facing challenges related to their scattered presence. Consequently, their characteristic traditions are changing rapidly in comparison to those in Gali. In Gali, after the death of a family member, mourners used to initiate a ritual meal dedicated to the soul of the deceased within their own family. They divided the expenses into two parts: one related to specifically selected memorial days (the 7th Day, the 40th Day, and the first anniversary after the passing of the deceased), and the other associated with customs for other soul blessing days on different holidays. The paper includes ethnographic materials obtained in present-day Gali, revealing close typological similarities to customs found in different regions of Georgia. In Gali, the world of the deceased is referred to as Oshureti. The service for the souls of the deceased is also noteworthy, with the late souls being judged based on their sins and grace, as described in the ethnographic materials. According to religious beliefs, the deceased played a significant role in the lives of their family members and relatives, capable of bringing either good or bad luck depending on how the family members treated and served the souls of the deceased. The special commemorative days, common in Gali, demonstrated the supreme power attributed to the late souls. The foundation of customs related to the deceased is rooted in beliefs about the afterlife or the realm where they continue to exist following death. Informed by folk sources and Christian ideology, the afterlife is perceived as eternal. Life is conceptualized as having two parts, with an unbroken connection between them, forged during one’s earthly existence. This connection is expressed through ritual care not only for the living but also for deceased family members. Georgian beliefs shape this care, positing that the soul endures in the afterlife and requires provisions akin to those needed in earthly life. Various traditions illustrate this belief, such as placing dishes and drinks next to the deceased, lighting a candle, placing meals, money, and gifts in the coffin, settling debts, and observing Tabakish Dodguma – the laying of the table during soul memorial days. These practices reflect the perspective that a departed soul requires the necessities of life even after death. Therefore, family members and relatives engage in these rituals, believing that specially dedicated meals and sacrificial offerings (poultry, cattle) benefit the departed. Despite a recent trend of weakening and disappearing traditions, funeral and mourning rituals continue to maintain their vitality in traditional culture.
Tabaki - food and drink blessed by priest.
SOPROM MGALOBLISHVILI ABOUT AKAKI TSERETELI
When appraising Soprom Mgaloblishvili’s literary contributions, his commendable role as a memoirist stands out prominently. He commenced writing and disseminating memoirs during the 1900s. In 1910, the initial five chapters of his memoirs found publication in the ‘Eri’ magazine, with subsequent installments appearing in the ‘Temi’ newspaper. Following Soprom Mgaloblishvili’s demise, literary scholar Levan Asatiani diligently assembled and published nearly all of the author’s memoirs in a single volume. Soprom Mgaloblishvili crafted remarkable memoirs depicting Georgian writers and public figures. His intimate familiarity and both personal and professional connections with most of these individuals uniquely positioned him to share insights that remain unparalleled among other memoirists. Notably, his recollections of Akaki Tsereteli are particularly noteworthy. He dedicated two memories to the poet: ‘Akaki Is With Us’ and ‘Akaki’, both of which were published in the ‘Theatre and Life’ magazine (N5, N7) around the time of the poet’s passing. The memoirist especially mentions Akaki’s quality as a genuine poet, highlighting his love of travel and his desire to be close to people. He compares the nature of Ilia and Akaki, noting that Akaki’s extensive travels contribute to his deep understanding of people. In contrast, Ilia remains more confined to his study, known personally only to the city’s nobility. Soprom Mgaloblishvili’s two memoirs, ‘Akaki Is With Us’ and ‘Akaki’ were composed with profound affection and reverence for Akaki Tsereteli. Within these memoirs, a captivating portrayal of the poet emerges, continuing to intrigue readers to this day.
THE STATE BORDER WITH CHOROKHI AND NARRATIVES OF BORDER SETTLEMENTS IN FICTION AND ORAL HISTORIES
The work draws from a diverse range of sources, including scientific literature, literary texts, and oral histories from villages (Kveda Maradidi, Zeda Maradidi, Kirnati, Kheba) located along the Georgia-Turkey border strip adjacent to the Chorokhi River (materials of the field expeditions of 2021-2023). The primary objective of this study is to explore specific thematic arcs that emerge from oral histories and fiction. Key areas of focus include narratives concerning demarcation and the border in generational memory, instances of smuggling, intelligence activities spanning the periods before, during, and after the World War II, as well as the dynamics of cross-border settlements and the evolution of communication methods. In the early 1920s, a significant geopolitical development unfolded as the state border between Turkey and the Soviet Union severed land and water connections, impacting valleys and villages in Georgia. A substantial portion of historical southern Georgia was incorporated into Turkey’s territory. Initially, until the mid-1930s, inhabitants living across the border maintained the ability to interact and traverse freely. However, over time, the border regime progressively tightened, particularly during and after the World War II. Notably, the dissolution of the Soviet Union marked a turning point in this situation. The timeliness of this research is underscored by its dual focus on the Chorokhi border settlements and the broader spatial transformation precipitated by the new border geography since the early 20th century. It’s worth highlighting that interest in narratives about state borders and border settlements has persisted throughout various eras, prompting numerous creators to engage with this subject matter. Consequently, the oral traditions of the Chorokhi basin contribute valuable material. The distinct nature of the border motif is predominantly informed by historical realities. In analytical texts, a discernible patriotic sentiment coexists with a palpable empathy for the plight of ordinary individuals, such as Sarpi, Maradidi, Kirnati residents, and others. This empathy resonates in depictions of the anguish felt for loved ones, as well as for the graves left behind on the opposite side of the border. Such emotions find expression in both the daily lives of border settlements and within literary works. However, it is important to recognize the influence of different epochs on the various forms of creative expression.
Narratives of Georgia-Turkey border villages
THE MYTH OF ETERNAL SPRING IN TAO-KLARJETI FOLKLORE
The myth of the eternal spring, or the paradise lost, is a common theme found in the folklore of almost all ancient peoples globally. In Georgian oral tradition, the myth of eternal spring is linked to the name of King Tamar and is known in various versions. It is entirely expected and natural, as in the consciousness of the society where this myth originated, Tamar’s kingdom was envisioned as the ‘Golden Age’—a paradise on Earth with King Tamar as its unequaled creator, ruler, and devoted, caring guardian. Today, the myth of eternal spring is no longer associated with the name of King Tamar in the historical memory of the Georgian-speaking, though Muslim, population in the historical Georgian regions of the Republic of Turkey - Tao and Klarjeti. This phenomenon is associated with the arrival of snow, disrupting the lives of Christian monks. Such transformations serve as evidence that the consciousness of Tao and Klarjeti Georgians shares a common cultural source rooted in Georgian culture.
In the Kartvelian languages, two lexemes — baioba and bzoba — are found that signify the feast commemorating Christ›s entry into Jerusalem. Both terms raise questions; clarification is required regarding the connection between the feast and either of the terms, or what caused the establishment of the two distinct word forms in Megrelian and Svan (the first term), as well as in the common ecclesiastical domain (the second term). It is worth noting that the term baioba is preferred in some Gospel manuscripts and liturgical texts. Additionally, it is noteworthy that the Agapes of the Cross Monastery in Jerusalem use the term baioba rather than bzoba. As early as the 11th-13th centuries, if not earlier, the term have had a conventional form, with baiaoba appears to bzoba not yet surpassing it. Otherwise, the copyist of the Agape, the translator, or the scribe of the Gospels would have written bzoba instead of baioba. The feast›s name, baioba, appears to have existed centuries before the term bzoba was coined. This fact determines the viability of the term in modern Megrelian and Svan. For comparison, one could cite the terms like tanapa, p’ičvani, which allegedly derived from sermons by Andrew the First-Called and Simon the Zealot (or Simon the Canaanite) and originated at least three centuries before the creation of the common ecclesiastical terms aġdgoma Easter) and how aġdgoma and marḥva (fasting). This illustrates marḥva forms could not eliminate preexisting terms. A similar conclusion can be drawn regarding the relationship between the terms baioba and bzoba.
ON INTERRELATION BETWEEN “KOPHAD ARS” AND “DZHER-ARS KOPHAD” TYPES OF DESCRIPTIVE FORMATION
The connection between the categories of modality and time has been addressed in various linguistic studies based on data from different languages. Our work aims to explore the relationship between Future tense and Modal semantics in Old and Middle Georgian, using a descriptive model of future expression. In Old Georgian, the so-called categorical future forms (kophad ars, mislvad ars, etc.) conveyed, both the action to be taken in the future definitely, signifying the necessity of the action (Epistemic modality), and the obligation to perform certain actions (Deontic modality). Logically, the form that expresses deontic modal semantics can develop epistemic modal meaning, as both are rooted in certainty. Just as the commanding person is certain that the action requested by them is necessary and needs to be done definitely, in the case of epistemic necessity, the speaker is sure of the truth of different facts. To express epistemic and deontic modal semantics in Old Georgian, the construction of the modal verb “dzher-ars” was utilized in addition to the analytical model of the future (kophad ars). It should be mentioned that, in this construction, the infinitive in an adverbial case participates with the complex verb, similar to the analytical model of future expression. Scientists have expressed their opinions regarding the origin of the constructions “kophad ars” and “dzher-ars kophad”. In this article, based on the relevant discussion and examples, we reject the idea that “kophad ars” originates from the construction “dzher-ars kophad”. Instead, we assert an argumentative position that the forms “kophad ars” and “dzher-ars kophad” are two parallel independent expressions— lexical (dzher-ars kophad) and grammatical (kophad ars)— of epistemic and deontic modal semantics.
LITERARY CRITICISM OF THE 80S OF THE 19TH CENTURY AND GIORGI TSERETELI
The paper discusses the opinions expressed by Georgian critics from the 1880s regarding various aspects of Giorgi Tsereteli, the great Georgian writer, including his personal life, social impact, and creative style. On the critical review journey of Giorgi Tsereteli’s work, we will tentatively focus on the 1880s. Among the opinions expressed, those of Ekvtime Takaishvili, M. Nasidze (“It’s me” - M.K.), St. Chrelashvili, R. Eristavi, Jacob Gogebashvili, Al. Toidze, as well as unsigned articles, stand out. These articles were published in various periodicals. We will commemorate the memory of Arthur Leist, the distinguished German journalist and translator who extensively researched Georgian literature. According to Arthur Leist, Petre Umikashvili, Niko Khizanishvili, and Giorgi Tsereteli met at Ilia Chavchavadze’s house. Leist characterizes Petre Umikashvili as hardworking, calm, direct, and modest. He notes that Niko Khizanishvili and Giorgi Tsereteli had completely different characters, with both actively participating in literary activities during the eighties.” If we revisit Giorgi Tsereteli’s polemical letters, we should concur with Arthur Leist that, unlike Petre Umikashvili, he possessed a truly modest, independent and combative character. The critics’ opinions on Giorgi Tsereteli’s creative work align with those that gradually surfaced in the 80s of the 19th century. This alignment is attributed, on one hand, to the heightened vigor of literary criticism and the increased authority of critics, and, on the other hand, to the diverse methods and techniques of critical analysis.
Georgian literary criticism of the 19th century
SENTIMENT-ANALYSIS IN GEORGIAN POLITICAL DISCOURSE – MAIN RULES FOR DETERMINING SENTIMENT
Sentiment-analysis is a form of natural language processing that gives us information about the sentiment (emotion) of the text - is it positive (towards something or someone), negative or neutral; All the examples in the presentation are drawn from the political corpus of the Georgian language. The political discourse can be defined as political communication employed by politicians in various contexts, including public speeches, planned (inaugural texts), or unplanned speeches (television programs, participation in discussions, parliamentary speeches). Sentiment analysis research typically encompasses three interrelated yet distinct levels (Bing Liu, 2016). These are: o Document level o Sentence level o Aspect level. When defining sentiment at the aspect level, we consider several aspects: whom we value (which can be a specific person often a politician), what we value (usually, a concrete action of a specific politician), and how we value it (whether negatively, positively or neutrally) (Bing Liu, 2016). In this presentation, we will illustrate, through examples, why the aspect level of sentiment research is considered the most important. We will also discuss the role of parts of speech in determining sentiment – in this case we will primarily focus on adjectives and nouns. Usually, an adjective with positive or negative content can be attached to a semantically neutral noun and, accordingly, the sentiment of the opinion will change - it will become positive or negative; However, we may have a completely different picture if the noun itself carries sentiment. In this article, we will explore noun-adjective combinations, define types of combinations, and highlight main rules derived from the analysis of these combinations. Based on the combinations and analyzing the contexts, we found that the most crucial element in the process of sentiment determination is not individual words but phrases. Additionally, in many cases, verb phrases (VP) play a significant role in sentiment determination, contrary to the common focus on noun phrases (NP). We highlight the rules derived from observing the empirical material
Java Cheishvili’s works are not only an original contribution to modern Georgian art but also a carefully crafted creative portrait of the artist depicted with paints on the canvas. Java Cheishvili’s works are distinguished by genre diversity, encompassing portraits, landscapes, still lifes, and religious themes that captured the artist’s attention. Each genre is expressed with distinct power in his art. At different times Java Cheishvili’s works were exhibited in Tbilisi, Moscow, Paris, London, Newport, and Ingolstadt. The artist participated in All-Union plein airs (Terjola, 1979, 1983) as well as international plein airs for painters (Kutaisi, 1985, 1988, 1990, 1995) and contributed to the work of international symposiums for painters and sculptors in Kutaisi (2001, 2003). Personal exhibitions of Java Cheishvili were organized in Kutaisi in 1980 and 1993 (Art Gallery named after D. Kakabadze), and in Tbilisi in 1981 and 2000 (Gallery Re-aktsia). Java Cheishvili’s still lifes have been a topic of discussion on multiple occasions and the feedback about them has been consistently positive.
WEDDING VOCABULARY AND FIGURATIVE EXPRESSIONS IN TAO-KLARJETIAN DIALECTS
The interest in the vocabulary of Tao-Klarjetian dialects remains relevant as the linguistic landscape of this region continues to change under the influence of the Turkish language. Even though there are many articles or monographs on the above-mentioned issue, a field-specific analysis of the vocabulary and a comparison with the data of other dialects would provide a more complete understanding of the lexical peculiarities of the dialect. From this perspective, it is interesting to observe the vocabulary related to such stable institutions as marital relations and traditions. A number of interesting lexical units and figurative expressions were revealed, which are not only significant from a lexicological standpoint but also hold importance from an ethnoculturological perspective. In addition to the aforementioned factors, the Tao-Klarjetian dialects are strongly influenced by the Turkish language on a daily basis. Consequently, documenting and examining every surviving lexical unit remains an important, urgent, and relevant issue. In the analysis of lexical units, we rely on texts recorded by us during the period of 2004-2018 and those existing in scientific circulation.
ON POSTMODERNIST TRENDS IN GEORGIAN AND TURKISH NOVELS
Postmodernism is an active and pervasive trend that has permeated all aspects of public life soon after its emergence, particularly since the 1980s, and is evident in diverse ways across different cultural spheres. In the ever-evolving landscape of world literature, postmodernism emerged as a literary movement challenging the concept and ideology of modernism, questioning the established norms, narrative structures, classical notions of identity and objectivity, ideas of universal progress and emancipation, and grand narratives. The origin and development of postmodernism in Turkish and Georgian literature are intertwined with the historical, cultural, and political context of these countries, as well as with global processes that occurred worldwide. Georgian and Turkish postmodernist novels are characterized by key principles of postmodernist culture, such as metafiction, intertextuality, double coding, fragmentation, and a pursuit of narrative experiments, while also placing a strong emphasis on cultural identity. The uniqueness and distinction of these novels are shaped by the cultural and linguistic environments in which they originated.
FROM THE 18TH CENTURY REGARDING A GEORGIAN CAPTIVE SOLD IN EGYPT
The document is housed in the National Center of Manuscripts of Georgia and is written in the Mkhedruli script on a scroll. It begins with an artistically painted Kantsili and a cross. There is a small area of damage on the edge of the right side, likely caused by moisture. The calligraphy is exquisite. At the bottom, there are two seals: one rectangular seal with the inscription ‘Parsadan’ and another square, beveled seal with the inscription ‘Servant of God, Milakhvari Luarsab’. Both individuals represented the feudal house of Machabeli. Among them, Parsadan Machabeli is mentioned in many deeds from the second half of the 18th century. For instance, a deed bears the following vertical inscription on the left side: ‘I, Revaz Machabeli, certify this deed (then one character is lost). I did not have the seal. This is my writing.’ The last word of the inscription is illegible, although it is highly likely to be ‘Revaz’. In addition to the complicated geopolitical situation, mainly driven by the IranOttoman conflict in the Caucasus, human trafficking became an even more significant problem for our country in the late Middle Ages. The Ottoman Empire’s dominance on the Black Sea facilitated widespread ‘purchase of captives‘, where people abducted from Georgia were sold in Ottoman or Syrian slave markets. The country faced a demographic catastrophe, and both Georgian and foreign sources document these harsh realities of the late Middle Ages. This distressing trend of selling people extended to almost every corner of our country, as it was deemed a profitable business. Unfortunately, even representatives of the feudal aristocracy supported it. ‘Purchase of captives‘ appears to have been prevalent in Samachablo as well, with members of the feudal house of Machabeli also participating in this trade. The presented document contains fascinating information about the sale of Bezhan Kasradze from Samachablo to Misri (Egypt). It appears he was ‘lost from Leki’. Kasradze, kidnapped by the Leks residing in the stronghold of Machabeli, ended up in Egypt. As known, ‘Lekianoba’ posed one of the unsolvable problems in Kartli-Kakheti in the second half of the 18th century. There was no exception in this respect, the peasants who were kidnapped often managed to free themselves, leading to a decision by Erekle II in 1765. This decision granted escaped serf-peasants the right to live freely without their former masters having any claim over them. These liberated peasants could choose to continue their lives independently or select a new owner. Most of the peasants released from captivity became khaso or church serfs, with only a small portion retaining their freedom, often opting to re-subjugate due to their vulnerable circumstances. It is evident from the presented document that Bezhan Kasradze, abducted from the Leks and later sold in Egypt, sent money (several tumnis of gold) to his family members. The Machabelis had mortgaged three properties with Gorel Amiraghashvili in Variani, and Paata Kasradze’s brother Bezhan redeemed the Machabelis’ estates with the money sent from Egypt. With the money sent by Bezhan Kasradze, who was sold in Egypt, his housemates also used the funds to construct a defensive tower in Kemerti. While the document does not provide details, there is still a standing tower in Kemerti known as Kasraant Godol. This tower was built by the Kasradzes of Kemerti to protect themselves from the Leks.
რომანტიზმის პრინციპებიდან გამომდინარე, ამ ლიტერატურული მიმართულების ერთი ძირითადი ნიშანი უცხოურით, კერძოდ აღმოსავლეთის ქვეყნებით, იქ მოგზაურობით გატაცებაც იყო. ჯორჯ გორდონ ბაირონს (1788-2824) იზიდავს ანტიკური კულტურა, საბერძნეთი. ასე უძღვნის ის თავისი ცხოვრების მეორე ეტაპს თავისუფლებისათვის მებრძოლ ბერძენ ერს, თავისი შემოქმედებით კი იმ თემებს აშუქებს, რაც ასე მნიშვნელოვანი იყო ანტიკური სამყაროსათვის. პოეტის ბიოგრაფიის ბერძნულ პერიოდზე არაერთი წერილი, გამოკვლევა ეკუთვნის აკადემიკოს ინესა მერაბიშვილს: 1. Byron, Greece and Georgia and The Meditterranean World, Proceedings of the Twentieth International Byron Conference, Published by the Hellenic Byron Society in Athens 20-21, September, 1994, p. 201-209; 2. ბაირონი, პრომეთე და ნაპოლეონი, ნაპოლეონის საერთაშორისო საზოგადოების ორენოვანი ჟურნალი „ნაპოლეონი“, თბ., 2000 (5 გვერდი); 3 The Reception of Argonauts by Lord Byron, Phasis, Greek and Roman Studies, The Argonautica and World Culture, Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Institute of Classical, Byzantine and Modern Studies, volume 10 (II), 2007, p. 208-215; 4. Ovid’s Hero and Medea as Reflected in Byron’s Life and Works, Proceedings of the 37 th International Conference, Valladolid, Spain, 2011, at www. internationassociationofbyronsocieties.org; 5. Lord Byron’s Thyrza, Tbilisi, 2007 (64 pages); 6. Byron, Greece and Georgia, in: Byron and the Mediterranean World. Athens, 1995. ჩვენ მიერ განხორციელებულმა კვლევამ წარმოაჩინა ბაირონი როგორც მებრძოლი, საბერძნეთის თავისუფლების სადარაჯოზე მდგარი, რომელმაც არაერთი ლექსი მიუძღვნა საბერძნეთს; ბაირონის ცნობილი უკანასკნელი ლექსის „დღეს შემისრულდა ოცდათექვსმეტი წელი “ წყარო ტექსტიდან ეკვივალენტური თარგმანი შემოგვთავაზა ინესა მერაბიშვილმა.
THE MEMOIRS OF HERBERT HOOVER ABOUT GEORGIA
During the period of the Democratic Republic of Georgia, the most powerful countries in the world played a significant role in the life of Batumi. This interest was primarily driven by the city’s military, political, and economic importance. This is evident in the fact that a considerable portion of the publications in the ‘New York Times’ about Georgia, published in 1918-1921, are dedicated to Batumi. In addition to these articles, I have paid attention to one of the most crucial documents, the memoirs of the 31st President of the United States from 1929 to 1933, Herbert Hoover. Serving as the Head of the American Relief Administration from 1919 to 1923, he was directly involved with the Transcaucasian Region and, consequently, Georgia. In Herbert Hoover’s memoirs and in publications from the ‘New York Times,’ the emphasis on Batumi revolves around its significant commercial and economic potential. All other aspects are explored within this context. Despite some mistakes and a lack of objectivity in certain documents, we should consider them as valuable research materials for assessing the international community’s perception of the historical events that unfolded in Batumi during 19181921.
It is evident from written records and passages in travel literature that Georgian Christian churches with Georgian monks conducting religious services existed in several provinces of the Ottoman Empire, including Constantinople (Istanbul), during the Late Middle Ages. Unfortunately, the majority of them have been destroyed and are now lost to history. One of these churches was situated in İzmir during the Late Middle Ages. In reference to the aforementioned, ‘Mimosvla,’ the travel text by Timote (Timothy) Gabashvili (1703-1764), provides us with some significant information, stating that since the 15th century, there has been a Georgian monastery in İzmir (formerly known as Smyrna), which was part of the Ottoman Empire. Describing his impressions of İzmir, he draws particular attention to the fact that he stayed in the monastery while in the city. Platon Ioseliani (1810-1875) was another writer who personally visited the Georgian monastery in İzmir and provided detailed written records about it. Their stories demonstrate that the İzmir Georgian monastery housed a sizable library with a significant number of books and manuscripts. Unfortunately, not only is the site of this priceless find unclear today, but also the exact location of the monastery remains unknown. We specifically reached out to Ms. Makvala Kharebava, the Honorary Consul of Georgia in İzmir, Republic of Turkey, to learn more about the existence of the İzmir Georgian monastery. Unfortunately, despite her diligent efforts, unique records related to the aforementioned monastery have not been located yet. Therefore, further active research in this regard must be carried out in the future.
Georgian monasteries in the Ottoman Empire